國際公益法律服務協會 International Probono Legal Services Association Limited

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國際公益法律服務協會 International Probono Legal Services Association Limited Contact information, map and directions, contact form, opening hours, services, ratings, photos, videos and announcements from 國際公益法律服務協會 International Probono Legal Services Association Limited, Legal Service, 18/F, Henley Building, 5 Queen’s Road Central, Hong Kong.

《香港各界援助廣西南寧橫洲水災籌款行動完滿結束》由【匯蝶公益有限公司】聯同【國際公益法律服務協會有限公司】(皆為香港《稅務條例》第88條認可慈善團體)發起《一方水難 八方支援》一人100港元起募捐支援廣西洪澇災民行動,從發起當天2026年7...
25/07/2026

《香港各界援助廣西南寧橫洲水災籌款行動完滿結束》

由【匯蝶公益有限公司】聯同【國際公益法律服務協會有限公司】(皆為香港《稅務條例》第88條認可慈善團體)發起《一方水難 八方支援》一人100港元起募捐支援廣西洪澇災民行動,從發起當天2026年7月12日至7月20日截止,共收集民間各界人士捐款共港幣1571000元(壹佰伍拾柒萬壹仟港元正)。

此款項已於2026年7月25日,全數不扣除任何行政費用下,由匯蝶公益及國際公益法律服務協會創辦人何君堯律師代表全體捐助者,交付【中央人民政府駐香港特別行政區聯絡辦公室】(簡稱香港中聯辦),再轉交國內有關部門。

【匯蝶公益有限公司】及【國際公益法律服務協會有限公司】感謝各方友好鼎力相助、血濃於水,體現香港市民關懷內地同胞的中華兒女情誼,發揮「一方水難 八方支援」的互助精神。

匯蝶公益有限公司、國際公益法律服務協會有限公司 敬上
2026年7月25日

《民間自發救災募捐》協助廣西南寧橫洲市水災災民行動,於2026年7月20日晚上11時59分,完滿截止,暫時計算已收到善款超過152萬港元,最終數字有待點算;之後所有收到的善款“不扣除任何行政費用”下轉移香港中聯辦,轉交有關廣西救災部門。一方...
21/07/2026

《民間自發救災募捐》協助廣西南寧橫洲市水災災民行動,於2026年7月20日晚上11時59分,完滿截止,暫時計算已收到善款超過152萬港元,最終數字有待點算;之後所有收到的善款“不扣除任何行政費用”下轉移香港中聯辦,轉交有關廣西救災部門。

一方水難、八分支援、萬眾一心,【國際公益法律服務協會】感謝各界友好,祝願橫洲市民早日重建家園。

#水災
#籌款
#橫洲
#南寧
#感謝
#國際公益法律服務協會

一人100元 捐助廣西水災災民 HKD100 is all it needs to help the GuangXi flood victims近日廣西遭遇颱風「美莎克」蹂躪,多處出現特大暴雨,導致廣西南寧水庫堤壩潰決,大量洪水傾瀉而出,淹...
13/07/2026

一人100元 捐助廣西水災災民 HKD100 is all it needs to help the GuangXi flood victims

近日廣西遭遇颱風「美莎克」蹂躪,多處出現特大暴雨,導致廣西南寧水庫堤壩潰決,大量洪水傾瀉而出,淹沒村鎮和道路,受災人數眾多;匯蝶公益 及 國際公益法律服務協會 呼籲捐款支持廣西災民,歡迎各界善心人士任意金額捐助,建議HK$100支援廣西洪澇災民,隨緣樂助;收集的善款將轉交內地有關部門,協助災民重建家園。

本次募捐所得全部款項將全數直接撥交廣西災區使用,不扣除任何行政費用

捐助者須填寫以下資料,方便我們核對善款,所有資料保密,將於籌款活動結束後1個月內銷毀。

匯蝶公益 及 國際公益法律服務協會 均為《稅務條例》第88條認可慈善團體,單筆捐款HK$100或以上,可申請開立正式捐款收據,用作香港稅務減免申報。

查詢:
+852 2805 1238
+852 9820 3803
+852 9823 6130

IPLSA 對英國政府發表「香港半年報告」之回應
30/03/2026

IPLSA 對英國政府發表「香港半年報告」之回應

新聞稿:2026 年 3 ⽉ 18 ⽇(UTC+1)【軍國主義與擴張主義時代下的⼈權】國際公益法律服務協會(IPLSA)呼籲國際社會關注軍國主義與擴張主義可能再度抬頭的趨勢,其對⼈權構成極度危險且具毀滅性的威脅。⽇本近期推動修憲,主張解除⾃...
19/03/2026

新聞稿:2026 年 3 ⽉ 18 ⽇(UTC+1)
【軍國主義與擴張主義時代下的⼈權】

國際公益法律服務協會(IPLSA)呼籲國際社會關注軍國主義與擴張主義可能再度抬頭的趨勢,其對⼈權構成極度危險且具毀滅性的威脅。⽇本近期推動修憲,主張解除⾃衛隊約束、允許更具對外進
攻性的軍事發展,喚起國際社會對⼆戰期間⽇本軍國主義與擴張主義的創傷記憶。

作為具聯合國特別諮詢地位的非政府組織,IPLSA 除於聯合國⼈權理事會第61屆會議發表⼝頭聲明外,亦於2026年3⽉17⽇於⽇內瓦舉辦專題研討會,邀請各界嘉賓就相關議題分享觀點與研究成
果。

與會嘉賓如下:
• 何君堯先律師(國際公益法律服務協會共同創辦⼈)
• 彼得・比蒂博⼠(香港中⽂⼤學副教授)
• 斯坦利・沃登先⽣(環境法專家)
• 拜伦・菲哈先⽣(琉球語⾔學家)
• 何超瓊女⼠(企業家、慈善家)
• ⿈曉敏先⽣(資深傳媒⼈)
• 任穎明大律師(執業⼤律師)
• 李梓敬先⽣(「中國故事」召集⼈)

以下為與會嘉賓發⾔重點:

何君堯律師

「我們必須正視 1894 ⾄ 1947 年間⽇本帝國主義遺留的未解問題。這段時期充斥侵略、掠奪、屠殺、有組織性暴⾏及⼈體實驗,731 部隊的罪⾏正是典型代表。

核⼼問題在於,對「慰安婦」制度 —— 即⽇本軍隊對以中國、韓國、菲律賓為主的婦女與女童實施的殘酷性奴役 —— ⾄今未能實現真正和解。⽇本未能履⾏多項國際公約下的義務,尤其明顯違反《消除對婦女⼀切形式歧視公約》(CEDAW)與《北京宣⾔》,持續拒絕承認罪⾏並向性奴役受害者提供賠償。

更令⼈憂慮的是,⽇本政府內部勢⼒推動⼤規模歷史修正主義。包括「⽇本歷史教科書修正協會」等組織在⼈權理事會的出現令⼈警惕。其刻意掩蓋⽇本歷史暴⾏的⾏為,使年輕⼀代無從認識戰爭的恐怖,在思想與道德上解除防備,無法汲取歷史教訓以建構和平繁榮的未來。相反,這類⾏為只會讓歷史悲劇重演。

我們要求國際社會嚴肅追究違反⼈權與國際法的責任,呼籲各⽅將維護⼈類尊嚴置於狹隘政治利益之上。我們必須共同致⼒於讓《聯合國憲章》與核⼼⼈權公約所載原則,不僅是理想⽂字,更成為公正與和平世界秩序的現實基礎。」

彼得・比蒂博⼠

「我們距離真正⾃由的思想市場仍很遙遠。媒體體系內在壓⼒傾向於將冗長、複雜的事件簡化,結果往往讓美國以外的國際事件敘事,都指向美國外交政策是唯⼀正確選擇。⽽相反觀點 —— 例如指
出對伊朗發動的非法侵略戰爭就是非法侵略戰爭 —— 不僅明顯違反《聯合國憲章》,在美國國內法亦屬非法,因為美國憲法規定,經批准的條約(如《聯合國憲章》)為美國最⾼法。但這類訊息在美國媒體體系中極為罕⾒,普通⺠眾很難接觸、思考並受其影響。」

斯坦利・沃登先⽣

「儘管⽇本發表過悔過與道歉聲明,但內容模糊、前後不⼀、缺乏具體內容。在未就對中國⼈⺠犯下的駭⼈暴⾏作出真誠、具體道歉與承認之前,必須阻⽌⽇本擴張軍備的⾏為。」

拜伦・菲哈先⽣
「1187 年⾄ 1609 年,琉球是真正獨立的王國。1387 年明朝時,中國遣使琉球,建立冊封朝貢關係。此後⾄ 1609 年,琉球作為獨立國家與中國保持友好往來……

從舜天王朝⾄ 1879 年,琉球王國存在約 692 年。

1879 年,⽇本廢除琉球王國,改置沖繩縣,直接統治 66 年。1945 年⽇本於⼆戰戰敗,琉球由美國接管,1945 ⾄ 1972 年美軍直接管治 27 年。

從 1879 年⾄今 2026 年約 150 年間,琉球⼈⺠的聲⾳從未被真正聆聽,沖繩縣制度未經我們同意強加於⾝。我要強調:無論是美軍基地還是⽇本⾃衛隊基地,所有決定都由⽇美雙⽅在未獲琉球⼈⺠同意下作出。」

何超瓊女⼠

「衝突時刻,女性往往承受最深、最被壓抑的痛苦。當槍聲終於沉寂,女性的特定苦難卻常以「向前看」為名被掩蓋。要為國際安全與婦女權益築起堅不可摧的防線,我們必須以毫不退縮的誠實⾯
對歷史。

⼆戰期間⽇軍實施的慰安婦制度,是令⼈⼼碎的⿊暗篇章。這不是戰爭的偶然副產品,⽽是經過計劃、制度化的虐待體系。」

⿈曉敏先⽣

聯合國⼈權理事會特別程序 16 位專家已發表聯合新聞聲明,對⽇本剝奪慰安婦受害者尋求真相、正義與賠償的權利表示嚴重關切。他們呼籲⽇本正式道歉、提供充分賠償,並在教科書中保留準確歷史記錄。

時⾄今⽇,⽇本政府仍持續不作回應。利⽤國家機器淡化、否認甚⾄美化這項國際公認的反⼈類罪,不僅是對歷史的公然挑釁、對受害者的⼆次傷害,更是對國際社會正義追求的漠視。

⽇本軍國主義強⾏實施的慰安婦制度,是婦女與⼈類歷史上最黑暗、最殘酷的篇章之⼀。香港曾是⽇本從東亞⾄南亞侵略的重要樞紐。調查⽇本在香港實施的慰安婦制度,是拼湊這宗跨國、跨區域
系統性犯罪全貌不可或缺的⼀環。」

任穎明大律師

「⽇本現任⾸相⾼市早苗所持「台灣有事就是⽇本有事」的錯誤立場,並非⼝誤,⽽是⽇本⼀貫政治立場的延續:充當美國代理⼈,侵害中國利益。因此可以預⾒,⾼市早苗不會收回有關⾔論。
美國持續利⽤第⼀島鏈(⽇本、台灣、菲律賓)圍堵中國。⽇本雖不再以武⼒公開侵略中國,卻持續充當美國擴張主義代理⼈,企圖透過⾃衛隊海外部署與發展核武顛覆⼆戰後國際秩序。這些⾏為不僅威脅中國,也威脅⼆戰期間遭⽇本侵略的其他國家,包括朝鮮、韓國及東南亞各國。

琉球⼈⺠不願繼續在擴張主義旗幟下充當代理⼈,他們值得全球所有正義⼈⼠⽀持。」

李梓敬先⽣

「當今對⼈權最⼤的威脅正是軍國主義本⾝ —— 宣稱和平可以靠槍桿⼦獲得、主權可以被強⼤火⼒踐踏、有些⼈只因出⽣地不同,⽣命就比其他⼈更有價值。
我們必須認清:⼀個國家的強⼤,不在於導彈射程,⽽在於同理心的廣度。真正的安全不來⾃⽀配,⽽來⾃發展。持久的和平不建基於恐懼,⽽建基於公平。

因為我們的孩⼦將繼承的世界,不取決於我們發動的戰爭,⽽取決於我們有勇氣選擇的和平。」

會議結語:

《國際和平與⼈權保障聲明》

世界各國應共同恪守《聯合國憲章》宗旨與原則,堅定維護《世界
⼈權宣⾔》核⼼精神,嚴格遵循《公⺠權利及政治權利國際公約》
《經濟、社會及⽂化權利國際公約》相關規定。

任何國家均不得以⾮法途徑或軍事⼿段侵佔他國領⼟,尊重國家主
權與領⼟完整。各國應切實尊重⼈權、保障⽣命安全,全⼒維護婦
⼥與兒童的合法權益,為其提供堅實保護。

上述內容是全⼈類共同價值,世界各國應攜⼿同⼼、相向⽽⾏,共
同守護國際公平正義,捍衛世界和平與穩定。

國際公益法律服務協會

18/03/2026

何超瓊女士視像參與IPLSA於日內瓦主辦的「軍國主義與擴張主義時代下的人權」發言:

《內容》
Distinguished guests, dear friends, hello everyone. The world has slowly recovered from the devastation of World War II. Even though I was born after the war, I grew up listening to the elders in my family recounting the profound horrors of that time.

My own father was forced to separate from his family during the dark three years and eight months of the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. These disturbing facts and stories of the war victims are the devastating accounts of millions of shattered lives. The scars of war take generations to wash away.

While the United Nations and the forces of globalization have fostered immense progress over the past eight decades, today we witness a deeply concerning regression, Unilateralism and armed conflicts are reappearing across the globe. We see millions of people displaced. Most of them are women and children.

We see the social fabric of communities torn apart, inflicting a profound and destructive impact on the foundation of healthy families. This brings us to the core of today's IPLSA conference, Law and Justice are not just abstract concepts. They are the shields that must protect the vulnerable.

Yet in times of conflict, women often bear the deepest and most suppressed pain. When the guns finally fall silent, the specific suffering of women is too often swept under the rug in the name of moving forward. To build an indestructible defense for international security and women's rights, we must confront history with unflinching honesty.

The comfort women system implemented by the Japanese military during World War II is a heartbreakingly dark chapter. This was not a random byproduct of war. It was a calculated, institutionalized system of abuse.

In Hong Kong and across Asia, countless innocent women were brutally torn from their families and forced into military sexual slavery. They endured extreme violence, the complete deprivation of their bodily autonomy and the theft of their features. They were treated not as human beings, but as mere commodities in a theater of cruelty.

For decades, survivors swallowed their trauma in silence, shouldering an injust sense of shame that was deliberately enforced by their captors, which would turn into a lifelong psychological illness. It wasn't until the 1990s that a few brave souls finally broke that silence, showing unimaginable courage to demand the truth. Tragically, most have now passed away without ever receiving a formal apology or the justice they do rightfully deserve.

Yet, we must understand that unhealed historical trauma does not simply vanish when the survivors are gone. It mutates into intergenerational trauma. When history is ignored, or worse, distorted by unsettling revisionist narratives, it inflicts secondary trauma on the descendants and the community.

When textbooks erase their tears, or when public figures deny their existence, it sends a dangerous signal. It suggests that women's suffering is inconsequential. This invisibly yet deeply undermines contemporary women's sense of security, telling society that crimes against women can be forgotten if enough time passes.

We are not seeking revenge, nor do we demand that the present generation bear personal guilt for the atrocities committed by their predecessors. True justice is not about creating new victims. It is about clicking the cycle.

Rather, this is an open invitation for all of humanity to collectively confront the shadows of our shared history. Acknowledging historical truths is a two-way healing process For the victims and their families, it restores their humanity and soothes their sorrows. For the descendants of the perpetrators, it offers the profound relief of living in truth, liberating them from the exhausting burden of defending the indefensible.

This shared honesty forms the absolute prerequisite for building genuine mutual trust between nations. As we step into 2026, global defense budgets are hitting record highs. We're increasingly measuring our safety by the thickness of our armor and the sophistication of our weapons.

In this traditional narrative, emphasizing military might, women's voices, and human-centered needs are continually marginalized. But what good is a heavily fortified border if the society within it is broken? We call for a new paradigm of leadership when not reliant on weaponry but built upon human rights, unwavering honesty about history, and the robust protection of vulnerable groups. True security does not come from the barrel of a gun.

It comes from societal harmony, free from fear and unentangled by the unresolved concerns of the past. My friends, as the Global Summit of Women pointed out, the major trend of a shared destiny for the international community will not change. Healing intergenerational trauma is the historical responsibility and the answer our generation must show them.

Let us bring the concept of security out of the balance and back into our communities. Let us build our future not on the erasure of the past but on the courage to remember it. Respecting the women of the past is the only way we can truly protect the women of today.

Let us begin this work today so that our next generation, our daughters and granddaughters, can move forward freely in the bright sunshine of respect and love, unburdened by the shadows of unhealed trauma. Thank you very much.

18/03/2026

琉球人權衛士Byron Fija先生視像參與IPLSA於日內瓦主辦的「軍國主義與擴張主義時代下的人權」發言:

《內容》

Distinguished members of the United Nations, it is a pleasure to meet you for the first time.�My name is Byron Fija.�I teach the Okinawan language, and I am a Ryukyu restoration activist.
Today, I would like to speak about Ryukyu, also known today as Okinawa Prefecture.

First, I would like to explain something to the members of the United Nations that politicians and the media in Okinawa rarely talk about.�Okinawa Prefecture is a colony of Japan. Unless we begin with this understanding, it is impossible to properly understand issues such as the U.S. military bases and the situation of the Ryukyuan people.

There is one major misunderstanding within Japan. It is something that many people in Japan misunderstand, and even many Okinawan residents and Ryukyuan people themselves misunderstand it.�We are not Japanese. We are Ryukyuan people.
However, this understanding is not widely shared.

At the same time, we are residents of Okinawa Prefecture and we hold Japanese nationality.�People who hold Japanese nationality are considered Japanese citizens. Therefore, although I am not ethnically Japanese, I am a Ryukyuan person.

Among the Ryukyuan people, Okinawans are the majority, but there are also the peoples of Amami, Miyako, and Yaeyama, and each of them has its own independent language.�I am not Japanese. I am Ryukyuan, and more specifically I am Okinawan, which we call Uchinānchu.

However, since I only hold Japanese nationality, I am also considered a citizen of Japan.�Therefore, nationality does not equal ethnicity. In Japan today, nationality and ethnicity are often confused and mixed together.

For example, the Ainu people also hold Japanese nationality, so they are Japanese citizens. But they are not ethnically Japanese.�Within the state of Japan live the Ainu people, and within the same state live the Ryukyuan people. Unless we begin with this basic understanding, the issue of U.S. military bases cannot be properly understood.

What I would like you to understand is that the Ryukyuan people were once citizens of an independent country called the Ryukyu Kingdom.

Before 1879, there was a complicated history.�In 1609, the Satsuma domain of Japan invaded Ryukyu. From 1609 to 1879, for about 270 years, Ryukyu maintained a tributary relationship with China, while being secretly controlled by Satsuma from behind the scenes. This created a very distorted historical situation that could be described as a semi-independent state.
However, before 1609, Ryukyu was truly an independent country.�The first official history of the Ryukyu Kingdom, called Chūzan Seikan, was written in 1650 by Haneji Chōshū. It records the genealogy of the kings, and the first king listed is King Shunten, who ascended the throne in 1187.

From 1187 until 1609, Ryukyu functioned as a truly independent kingdom.�In 1387, during the Ming Dynasty, China sent envoys to Ryukyu and established a tributary relationship. From that time until 1609, Ryukyu maintained good relations with China as an independent country.

After 1609, however, Satsuma controlled Ryukyu from behind the scenes.�Satsuma did not completely annex the Ryukyu Kingdom because it wanted to exploit the profits from Ryukyu’s tributary trade with China. If China had discovered that Satsuma directly ruled Ryukyu, the tributary relationship would have been cut off. Therefore, Satsuma allowed Ryukyu to appear as an independent kingdom while secretly controlling it.

In total, from King Shunten until 1879, the Ryukyu Kingdom existed for about 692 years.

In 1879, Japan abolished the kingdom and established Okinawa Prefecture.�Japan directly ruled the islands for 66 years.
In 1945, Japan lost World War II to the Allied powers, and the United States took control of the Ryukyu Islands. From 1945 to 1972, the U.S. military directly governed the islands for 27 years.
From 1879 until today, 2026, for approximately 150 years, the voices of the Ryukyuan people have never truly been heard, and the system of Okinawa Prefecture has been imposed upon us without our consent.

What I want to emphasize is this: whether it is U.S. military bases or Japanese Self-Defense Force bases, all of these decisions were made by Japan and the United States without the consent of the Ryukyuan people.

Our sovereignty, our right to self-determination, and even our history, education, culture, and language have been taken away by Japan.

Therefore, the so-called “U.S. base problem” is not originally our problem. These bases were brought here by Japan, and the United States continues to maintain them here.

The Ryukyuan people have never invited the U.S. military to our land, and we have never asked Japan to turn the Ryukyu Kingdom into Okinawa Prefecture as part of Japan.

As of 2026, the rights and human rights of the Ryukyuan people continue to be deprived through the actions of Japan and the United States.

Earlier I said that I am a Ryukyuan restoration activist. I use the word “restoration,” not “independence.”�What I hope for is the restoration of a democratic Ryukyu state, not a monarchy.
Activists like myself are extremely rare among the Ryukyuan people. Many people simply treat what I say as the strange opinions of one individual.

However, throughout history, many movements for human rights have begun with a single voice.

Therefore, even if I stand alone, I wish to bring this issue before the United Nations. I also hope that members of the international community, including representatives such as those from Hong Kong, will come to understand the true history of Ryukyu and the reality that the human rights of the Ryukyuan people have been taken away.

Thank you very much.

在動盪時代守護人權國際公益法律服務協會(IPLSA)誠邀您參加即將在日內瓦舉行的專題研討會。在軍事主義與擴張主義抬頭的今天,全球人權面臨著前所未有的挑戰。本次會議匯集了法律、學術、環境及媒體領域的頂尖專家,共同探討如何在複雜的國際局勢下捍衛...
15/03/2026

在動盪時代守護人權

國際公益法律服務協會(IPLSA)誠邀您參加即將在日內瓦舉行的專題研討會。

在軍事主義與擴張主義抬頭的今天,全球人權面臨著前所未有的挑戰。本次會議匯集了法律、學術、環境及媒體領域的頂尖專家,共同探討如何在複雜的國際局勢下捍衛核心價值。

📍 地點: 日內瓦記者俱樂部 (Geneva Press Club)

⏰ 時間: 2026年3月17日 13:30 - 15:30

🎙️ 特邀演講嘉賓:
• 何君堯先生 (IPLSA 創辦人)
• Dr. Peter Beattie (香港中文大學副教授)
• Stanley Warden 先生 (環境法法律專家)
• Byron Fija 先生 (琉球語學者)
• Pansy Ho女士 (企業家與慈善家)
• Raymong Wong 先生 (駐外記者)
• Friends of Green China Tianjin

讓我們齊聚日內瓦,為正義與和平發聲。

----------------------------------------

Human Rights in an Age of Militarism & Expansionism

The International Probono Legal Services Association (IPLSA) cordially invites you to our upcoming symposium in Geneva.

As militarism and expansionism rise globally, human rights face unprecedented challenges.

This seminar brings together leading experts from legal, academic, environmental, and media fields to discuss how to safeguard core values within a complex international landscape.

📍 Venue: Geneva Press Club (Le Club suisse de la presse)

⏰ Time: 17 March 2026 | 13:30 - 15:30

🎙️ Distinguished Speakers:
• Mr. Junius Ho (Co-Founder of IPLSA)
• Dr. Peter Beattie (Associate Professor at CUHK)
• Mr. Stanley Warden (Legal Expert in Environmental Law)
• Mr. Byron Fija (Ryukyuan Linguist)
• Ms. Pansy Ho (Entrepreneur and Philanthropist)
• Mr. Raymong Wong (Foreign Correspondent)
• Representative from Friends of Green China Tianjin

Join us in Geneva as we speak up for justice and peace.



#人權 #日內瓦 #國際法 #和平與發展 #何君堯

香港立法會議員何君堯去年在聯合國第58屆⼈權理事會會議上也揭穿,英國政府利用和香港的歷史聯繫,吸引香港移民“榨取金錢”來解決它自脫歐後所面對的勞動力短缺和財務困境等問題。-----------------------------------...
04/02/2026

香港立法會議員何君堯去年在聯合國第58屆⼈權理事會會議上也揭穿,英國政府利用和香港的歷史聯繫,吸引香港移民“榨取金錢”來解決它自脫歐後所面對的勞動力短缺和財務困境等問題。

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英國收緊移民政策 BNO港人移民之路突生變數,焦慮倍增

香港新聞網1月30日電(編輯 丘志彬)英國政府此前宣布英國國民(海外)簽證計劃(BNO),申請人符合相關條件後可申請永久居留。但如今到了英國政府應該兌現承諾的時候,持BNO移英的港人卻發現門檻提高了,質疑當局背棄承諾,感覺“好像是一個騙局”。

資料圖一:人們行走在英國倫敦威斯敏斯特橋上。(圖源:新華社)

據英國廣播公司(BBC)今天(1月30日)報道,多位接受採訪的BNO港人表示,自己即將達到申請英國永久的條件,然而英國政府突然收緊移民政策,令他們的移民之路突生變數,焦慮陡間倍增。

據了解,英國2021年1月31日推出BNO簽證,持BNO的港人在英國居住滿五年後可申請永久居留,再居住一年可申請入籍,俗稱BNO“5+1”計劃。若是最早持BNO移英的港人,將在今(2026)年達到永久居留權資格。英國內政部此前預計,今年將有約9.2萬港人符合資格申請永居,為歷來最高峰。

但在2025年11月,英國內政部突然宣布將移民申請永居門檻年限由現時的5年延長至最長20年。儘管BNO港人獲得豁免,仍維持“5+1”,但需要跟隨其他移民類別一起符合更高的英文程度、收入等要求,門檻實質性提高。這令許多眼看符合資格的BNO港人感覺到背叛和壓力。

移民至英國曼徹斯特的張先生表示,英文水平要求從B1升到B2,他和家人需要花費更長的時間去準備;另外,張先生的太太因為要照顧小孩,目前從事兼職工作,也未達到年收入12570英鎊(約12.8萬港元)的要求,而此前BNO“5+1”計劃中并沒有這個最低入息門檻。

張先生質疑稱,這與當初英國政府提及的承諾有所出入,甚至令他有一種上當受騙的感覺。他直言:“好像上了賊船,之前說的要求、要做什麼,我已經準備好了,但突然間改變。”

與張先生情況相似的還有黃女士一家。黃女士移英前,和丈夫在香港都有全職工作,孩子由外傭照顧,但在移英後她轉為全職媽媽。黃女士表示,當初根據BNO“5+1”計劃做的經濟預算,因為英國政府突如其來的新要求而打亂計劃,她感受到很大的壓力和無助。

另外一位準備在今年6月申請永居的陳女士表示,雖然新要求對她影響不大,但英國政府突然改變移民門檻令她感覺失望,她認為,很多BNO港人未必達到移民新要求。

據英國工黨國會議員詹姆斯·奈什(James Nais)就6667名BNO簽證持有人所做的研究顯示,若英國政府的新要求全面落實,將只有8%家庭可在居英五年後,所有成員同時符合永久居留資格;另有多達43%家庭預料無法符合永居的新要求。

資料圖二:抵港的市民與遊客拖著行李走出高鐵站。 香港中通社圖片

事實上,此前就有BNO港人在移英後感受到現實與理想的落差。他們表示,去之前以為“執金(撿到寶)”,結果到了當地發現找不到合適的工作,生活質量下降,不少人直言表示後悔。

根據智庫“英國未來”調查顯示,近60%的BNO港人擁有大學或碩士學位,但47%的在職人員表示工作與技能和經驗不符。英國《金融時報》亦有報道,由於語言障礙、文化差異以及專業資質不被承認,許多移英港人只能從事低薪的臨時工作,無法再從事過去的職業。

外交部駐港公署此前指出,所謂BNO政策注定只是又一場難以為繼的偽善表演。香港立法會議員何君堯去年在聯合國第58屆⼈權理事會會議上也揭穿,英國政府利用和香港的歷史聯繫,吸引香港移民“榨取金錢”來解決它自脫歐後所面對的勞動力短缺和財務困境等問題。

目前,越來越多在英港人選擇回到香港。許多人表示,移英經歷“像做了一場惡夢”,離開香港才知道香港的好,反而加深自己對於香港的情感。(完)

【編輯:丘志彬】

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