Besides advocating for federal governance for B(U)ganda, the Page is intended to promote debate on g Politics/governance issues.
Operating as usual
Thirty-six years ago, Ssaabataka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II returned from exile in London to reclaim his Throne. Mark Amory, his ex-English Tutor, muses over this tactful trip "across the border from Kenya to (B)Uganda..." hence the investiture in 1993 as the 36th Kabaka of Buganda.
in the link below:
https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1LvPQKYdqVlA0RuoV34B76tOGdQ5qxTNH
Yesterday marked exactly 56 years since the military raid on the Palace at Mmengo, then occupied by Kabaka E.F. Mutesa II of Buganda (also President of Uganda). Kabaka R.M. Mutebi II, Mutesa's successor, quizzes in his review of Prof. Kenneth Ingham's book, though, "Is there a word that can be said in mitigation for Obote?"
Starting tonight on the Umbrella News Network (UNN). Will be discussing the proposed East African (Con)Federation.
Link to be shared ASAP.
https://t.co/JJP5h9QifR
"The most important aspect of a federal system is that it recognizes that there are different types of political issues, which need different types of institutions to deal with them. Some affect only local areas, others are more widespread in their scope. The institutions of government should reflect this. The idea that government should be based solely on central institutions is old-fashioned and out of date."
—Richard Laming, 'An Introduction to Federalism', (2001).
WHY UGANDA WAS COLONISED—Part I
By Professor Phares Mutibwa
Uganda was colonised during an era of imperialism that saw the subjugation of vast territories and people around the globe to the rule of imperial powers of Europe. In the case of Africa, this era began roughly in the second half of the 19th century, when, meeting in the German capital of Berlin in 1884-85, major European powers (plus the United States of America) agreed to partition Africa among themselves without recourse to wars over colonies, unlike the way they had fought one another in other parts of the globe. That is how the term ‘spheres of influence’ was coined by aspiring colonial powers ( the British, French, Germans, Portuguese and Belgians) to designate the territories in Africa they were interested in colonising, and from which others were to stay away.
The general consideration of European imperialism will not detain us here. What interests us are the specific factors that led the British to annex Uganda to its empire in the last decade of the 19th century. The main factor was strategic, namely, the British desire or determination to control the region from which the Nile River sprang, since the Nile was the lifeline of Egypt, and the British considered Egypt to be of strategic importance for the defence of India. Britain occupied Egypt in 1882, when it became a British colony. Once Britain occupied Egypt, Sudan and the whole region along the River Nile up to its head in the south assumed a new strategic importance. The British considered the control of the Nile Valley as vital for the control of Egypt, the Suez Canal and India. For this reason Britain decided to extend her authority over Sudan and the regions south of it.
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THE CHURCH-STATE PROBLEM IN A COLONIAL SETTING
By Professor Holger Bernt Hansen
One of the leading missionaries in Uganda assessed the situation there at the turn of the century as follows: ‘Our work here is, on a small scale, so like the work and history of the Church in the 4th and 5th centuries. Many questions are just the same as were then settled. The relation of Church to State is continually cropping up.’ He was referring both to the many practical issues which divided the ecclesiastical and political spheres and to the still unsettled relationship between church and state. Later, his successors and their counterparts in the political field compared their own situation to the one obtaining in the Middle Ages. For the Christian leaders the church-state relationship in the Middle Ages almost represented an ideal which they felt ought to inspire the attitudes and policies of the state in their own time. For the representatives of the sate medieval history served as a warning against the reintroduction of similar linkages between church and state. Thus both the ecclesiastical and political actors were conscious of the significance and urgency of the church-state problem in the colonial setting and sought guidance in solutions worked out in other areas and ages.
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ESTABLISHMENT OF UGANDA PROTECTORATE, 1894-1900
By Professor Phares Mutibwa
The Uganda Protectorate was created officially in August 1894. However, when the Protectorate was declared on what is Uganda today, the declaration only referred to Buganda Kingdom, and it was not until the extension of the Protectorate between 1900 and 1919 that the entire Uganda Protectorate from which present-day Uganda emerged came into being. The name Uganda, which did not exist then, was a corruption of the name Buganda, because Swahili interpreters from the coast who accompanied foreign visitors to Buganda (the first of whom were the Arabs) could not pronounce the word Buganda [properly]. They called it Uganda and the country is called Uganda to this day.
There has always been a great deal of interest among the Arabs and Europeans in the territories lying in the heart of the African continent, particularly on and around the Great Lake (Nalubaale, later renamed Lake Victoria), and other lakes, and the famous Rwenzori (Mountains of the Moon) near the great Congo forest. In the end, what attracted the greatest interest of foreigners (especially Arabs and Europeans) was the Kingdom of Buganda, which lay on the northwestern shore of Lake Victoria, a kingdom that had contact with foreigners as far back as the mid-19th century. Buganda, where the unsettling influence of the alien intrusion was concentrated, was the main centre of events that led to the colonization of Uganda.
The earliest entry (or attempt to what amounted to the colonization of present-day Uganda) came from the north. It was through the north (Egypt and the Sudan) that the Europeans hoped to extend their influence further south, their objective being to reach the source of the Victoria Nile. It was because of the problems and upheavals they encountered in Egypt and the Sudan and later in Bunyoro that they turned to a safer route via the east coast to reach the interior of East Africa.
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"He is the ex-public schoolboy and Cambridge student who became an African monarch. But Ronald Mutebi is more than that to Ferdinand Dennis: he is a friend from the days when the exiled prince was...in north London. Here, they look back at the past–and forwards to a politically challenging future."
—THE GUARDIAN, 2001.
MY STRUGGLE FOR A THRONE
The Kabaka of Buganda describes how he is striving to lead his people out of .
KING RONNIE MUTEBI: A Good Monarch in Africa
— Helena de Bertedano
"How easy lies the head that wears Buganda's Crown? Ten months after his coronation, King Ronnie takes stock."
Happening tomorrow...👍
Planning in Reverse Gear?
By Jonathan Mwesigwa S.
Can there really be anything interesting to say to Ugandans about their right to participate in national development with the hope that they will take it in good stride, or one must shout at the top of one’s lungs, first, in order to underscore this point? This thought crossed my mind as Dr. Roselyn Karugonjo-Segawa, Chairperson of the Leadership Code Tribunal and formerly Dean of the Law school at the Uganda Christian University alias UCU, made her presentation via a webinar organized by the Africa Policy Centre (APC)—UCU’s think tank—on 29 October 2020.
In the pursuit of our ‘national development’ we have more often than not found ourselves at the crossroads in regard to the outstanding need to not only empower our people to demand and enjoy this right as enshrined in both domestic and international law, but also to actively rather than passively own, manage and control the course of their development.
Dr. Segawa, basing on the National Development Plans I and II, made several observations in this regard stressing that: the express legal provisions notwithstanding, a great majority of our people were, in sum, completely ignorant of this right especially because governments, politicians, public policy experts, donors, and partners inter alia made it appear as though it were a buzz word for international financial institutions (such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund), development experts, and civil society organisations; whereas not.
Under Article 38(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995:“Every Uganda citizen has the right to participate in the affairs of government, individually or through his representatives in accordance with [the] law.” It is emphasized under Clause (2) of the same Article that: “Every Ugandan has a right to participate in peaceful activities to influence the policies of government through civic organisations.”
It is also critically important to note that it is the unmistakable duty of the State, respectively under Objectives IX and X of the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, to “…facilitate rapid and equitable development…” as well as to “…take all necessary steps to involve the people in the formulation and implementation of development plans and programmes which affect them.”
What is unsurprising, though, is that the Government of Uganda long abdicated this duty and according to Dr. Joseph Muvawala, the Executive Director of the National Planning Authority, there is plentiful indication within the various Ugandan communities to back this position. He, for instance, said that some new tarmac roads in rural Busoga are used by the locals to dry their cassava. Conversely, some new classrooms built in rural Karamoja are used to to rear goats. While the new roads and classrooms may portend signs of infrastructural development in those areas, they are ‘misused’ because the ‘experts’ did not involve the locals during the planning to know and understand their pressing needs.
Dr. Segawa, equally, recalled an instance where development partners keen to alleviate the water challenges in a certain village, quickly set up a borehole without engaging the locals, first. When a study was conducted to inquire into its under-utilization, it was discovered that the majority of its main prospective users, the women, preferred drawing water from a village well which was a farther distance away because besides escaping their husbands’ watchful eyes, they could also have sufficient time to ‘catch-up’ with their friends!
There are, indeed, many lessons to take home if government, its planners and development partners are to hit their stride.
Since the right to participate in development is not a government favour, inclusive planning processes are not only mandatory but also critical for meaningful national development for they are a testimony of how good the plans are. Government, therefore, ought to demonstrate sufficient political will, firstly, by enacting relevant laws such as the Participation Act; secondly, by buttressing the individual capacities of its planners with an enabling environment for strong rather than weak institutions; and thirdly, by increasing funding for the NPA. Ultimately, the failed government structures will be resuscitated.
Planning is about problem solving. It should, therefore, be people-centred so as to stem mismatched funding of their development needs. We, for heaven’s sake, cannot pretend to know their problems better than them.
Generally speaking, planning is not a knowledge area hence the tendency of a disconnect in ideas between academicians and practitioners, especially. We would save a lot of time consumed in arguments and counter-arguments by minding the quality of the participants, i.e., who and how many to consult; and most importantly, by listening rather than talking more. In any case, economies seldom exist for the experts. They, instead, exist for the people. According to Dr. Muvawala, this lesson is key, especially following the COVID-19 pandemic experience. “When you destabilize the way people live,” he warns “you have no economies and consequently, no production!”
Government is also implored to initiate linkages between public policy and universities, other institutions of higher learning, and civil society organisations (CSOs). Given their outreach function, universities must deliberately participate in policy research and discussions. On the other hand, CSOs need not be seen as an enemy of the state, but rather as a partner. To this extent, the NGO law ought to be amended to align what the CSOs must do in the NDPs.
Lastly, government should abandon its current policy of over-districtization in favour of federalism or any other power-sharing/governance system that will not only encourage real and meaningful participation of both the individual and the community in national development, but also control the financial haemorrhage caused by large administrative expenditures.
The writer is a lawyer.
[email protected] | JMwesigwa_S
IN DEFENCE OF BUGANDA: Why is Museveni obsessed with Buganda's 'Mailo'? -Part I
By Jonathan Mwesigwa Sekiziivu
It is a great pity, indeed, that as the people of Buganda are still reckoning their future—with or without the rest of Uganda—and yet to fully come to grips with the genocidal annotations made by the “Fountain of Honour” against them and their Kabaka (king), who instead should “work towards the promotion of national unity, peace and stability… abide by, uphold and safeguard this Constitution and the laws of Uganda…,” and moreover “promote their welfare…” they have, again, been needlessly drawn into the narcissistic chat on the Mailo land tenure system by the same man who brazenly has imposed himself upon the country for well-over thirty-five years now!
Mr. Yoweri Museveni, whose moniker is "Ssaabalwanyi" (warmonger-in-chief), inaptly believes that the use of force/violence, is the panacea to every contest. Forlornly, though, this “confidence” is very much informed by an own history of violence and greed for wealth and power, and thus always clouds his outlook insofar as the legitimate interests and concerns of other parties—private or public or both—are concerned. Who is not persuaded that he, like the British imperialists, is suffering from "...greed for gain...and a lust of power over the destinies of other peoples... [and very much believes] that Force [whatever the form] shall...be the only element by which [his] sway is maintained..."? What a lot of absolute nonsense! —cf. Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston's statement in Ham Mukasa's Uganda's Katikiro in England (1904).
In My Life’s Journey (2011 & 2012), for instance, his wife intensely traces probably the first signs of swindle in Museveni: “[W]hen my father died in 1955, ‘his father’, Amos [Kaguta], sent him to bring some milk in a big milk pot ‘ekyanzi’ to offer condolences on behalf of his family. So, Yoweri made his way to Irenga… My mother apparently told him to take the milk pot into the house, but Yoweri…went and sat in the garden, drank some of the milk, poured the rest and went home. Upon his return home, ‘his father’ asked him if he had delivered the message to my mother. He replied that he had done so[!]”
In the late 1960s as a university student at Dar es Salaam in Tanzania Museveni took great interest in Frantz Fanon’s work, The Wretched of the Earth (1967), which advocates “armed violence as the highest form of political struggle [against decolonization]." In his 1968 research paper, Fanon’s Theory on Violence: Its Verification in Liberated Mozambique—edited and published by Nathan M. Shamuyarira in Essays on the Liberation of Southern Africa (1971)—Museveni reveals that, “This is what I wanted to test in one Sub-Saharan area…Mozambique [and by extension in one Eastern Equatorial African area, Uganda and beyond].”
Conversely, Kabaka Mutebi has stressed selflessness, service, truth, justice, cooperation, accommodation, mutual respect and affection, and consensus. Already deeply disturbed by the President's attitude, the Kabaka has not minced his words in reminding him that he owes his tremendous power to the people of Buganda, who although appearing to be "weak" have time and again exposed the frailty of "strong" regimes. (cf. 1 Corinthians 1:27)
But the scale of Museveni’s imperialistic mind is of little surprise, and so, whereas it can be excused it cannot at the same time be overexaggerated. Historically, Hitler’s kind tend to run countries as though they are their own private estates; claim personal interest in their assets and natural resources; feel un-obliged to serve the citizenry; constantly view them in guerilla terms; and are unapologetic about the far-reaching impact of their intrigues. But who, really, in recent months, let alone years has not witnessed what a scold he is when Ugandans have sought statesmanship from him only to be shortchanged with creche stories and rhymes—a fireplace reserve? Hence, I buy the view that there has been so much talk recently about how monstrously “evil” and “unjust” Buganda’s Mailo system is that it has been easy to “forget” the stream of injustices including—crimes against humanity—meted out by the junta against Ugandans across the country long before its capture of state power and soon thereafter.
Well, one strongly believes that it would serve the Museveni regime to remember that the Land Question, in general, and the Mailo tenure, in particular, are political mines, which if you will forgive me, only fools would go out of their way to endlessly tinker with in the "hope" that that will secure them some legitimacy or support of the "landless". This Question is, indeed, part of the unresolved bigger (B)Uganda Question touching the political and socio-economic future of the people of Buganda and other Ugandans; for which they respectively aspire.
The continued mismanagement of this Question, undoubtedly, portends another constitutional crisis worse than the kind that have previously characterised our political history. The apparent careless handling of this Question not only spells fatal results for the entire country, but also for those particular individuals perpetrating the carelessness, as well as for their families and relations. To put it crudely, you can be sure that Ugandans, in general, and the Baganda, in particular, will not go down without a fight in defence of their respective heritages and legitimate interests, rights and freedoms!
"Land," 'The Odoki Commission' noted twenty-eight years ago, "is viewed by the people as a vital natural resource and common heritage which cannot be matched by any other natural resource... [and] is one of the issues on which the people have expressed a great diversity of views. It is unlikely that a consensus will emerge on the matter in the near future. This is because Uganda is a country of diversity in terms of cultural, social and economic experience and orientation."
"Different communities in Uganda," the Commission went on "are used to different kinds of land tenure and policy. Each community tends to extol the virtues of the policy and land management to which it is used in relation to other systems."— The Report of the Uganda Constitutional Commission: Analysis and Recommendations (1993).
Of wider import to the instant discussion, though, is the historical "... democratic expression of the people of Buganda irrespective of their station in life" to 'The Odoki', 'The Ssempebwa', and 'The Bamugemereire' Commissions in 1991, 2003, and 2018 respectively, that:
1. It is their ...hope [based on the principles of constitutionalism and the rule of law other than the rule by law] ...that...Buganda will happily take her place and play her role together with other nationalities in unity and concord for the benefit of all peoples of Uganda... [and] that the Government of the day being only a part of the people should accept the will of the people for whose governance the Constitution [was presumably] promulgated;
2. [The] land holding system known as Mailo land tenure [be reinstated] as it existed in the Federal States of Buganda and Bunyoro as by the 15th day of April, 1966;
3. [The] Mailo system... should be extended to any other Federal State which may want it.
4. [It] must be a constitutional right for every Ugandan to acquire, hold and own land in any part of Uganda, regardless of their ethnic origins or the location of the land in any part of Uganda, regardless of their ethnic origins or the location of the land in Uganda.
5. There should be no discrimination of any kind in relation to land ownership amongst citizens of Uganda on the basis of ethnic origin or other such considerations.
6. There be ...a more balanced constitutional position [to] accommodate the interests of occupants and landowners, and facilitate development.
7. In accordance with the law, no ...Ugandan or non-Ugandan should be deprived from acquiring land or enjoying full and peaceful tenure of land in Buganda or in any other part of Uganda, indeed.
8. [The] Constitution [should] address the title to the 9,000 square miles of land that was entrusted to the British Crown Government under the 1900 Uganda Agreement, which land was returned to the Kingdom of Buganda at independence and subsequently forcefully and unilaterally converted to public land after the forceful and unconstitutional abolition of the Kingdom in 1966.
9. The restoration of these 9,000 square miles does not seek, and is not intended to disturb the peaceful and quiet enjoyment of the land by the people, bodies or institutions currently occupying the land, [but] to address a historical injustice [cf. The NRM/A Ten-Point Programme] and to find a meaningful compromise that takes into account present day realities in Uganda.
10. The Bamugemereire Commission ...abandons the proposal to abolish the Mailo land tenure or to fuse it with other tenures into a single tenure because the ...Mailo land tenure is uniquely part of Buganda's history and is now deeply engrained in its culture, customs and traditions.
11. [The] Government should capitalize and use the Land Fund to liberate landless groups and remove the duplicity of ownership on Mailo land.
12. [The] Government drops the proposed amendment on compulsory acquisition of individually owned land before adequate compensation to facilitate government projects.
13. [A] special land tribunal for the quick determination of disputes arising from valuation of project affected persons... be established.
14. [The] Government expedites the complete return of expropriated land to the Kingdom of Buganda pursuant to Article 26 of the Constitution, the Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Assets and Properties) Act of 1993, and the Agreement on the return of certain assets between the Government of Uganda and the Kabaka of Buganda of 2013.
15. [The] Government holistically reviews and revises the Land Act to improve land management and administration.
16. The Government should introduce effective and quick lands dispute resolution mechanisms across the country... including—the re-establishment of ...the District Land Tribunals...as a full time dispute resolution mechanism with and expanded membership. Additionally, ...the Land Division of the High Court should get more judges to make timely judgements and clear case backlog.
17. [A] federal system of government be reinstated so that each area in Uganda can manage, control, protect and promote the planned utilization of its land in a manner consistent with it's peculiarities and development aspirations.
There is, as a final note, far more to say about the (B)Uganda Land Question than one has managed to highlight so far. Be that as it may, one cannot help but notice the rather acute cynicism in Mrs. Museveni's exhortation published as A Letter to all Ugandan children who call me Maama by choice in the New Vision of Friday, 24 May 2020 thus: "Africa committed the grave sin of enslaving the children of Israel for 400 years, which returned to haunt the African continent with the advent of the evil Trans-Atlantic slave trade." What "Maama" curiously falls short of telling "her children", though, is the kind of fate awaiting those who have plundered the "country of their birth" and enslaved the natives for almost four decades, and still counting!
The writer is a Lawyer.
[email protected] |
Bulange-Mengo
Kampala
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"Ffenna tujjukira nti okusalawo okuzaawo Obwakabaka mu 1993 twayita mu mitendera egiwerako omwali: *okwennyigira obutereevu mu kuggyawo obwannakyemalira n'okukaanya ku bukulu bw'obukulembeze obw'ennono mu nkulaakulaana." ~KABAKA #Amatikkira28 https://t.co/LQ6k4H1bFm
"TELL US WHO KILLED OUR PEOPLE," Kabaka re-implores Museveni "I won't, for a moment, hesitate to inform you that we're fast approaching a very difficult time. Therefore, we re-emphasize the rather abundant need for investigations into the mass murders that took place on November 18 and 19 [2020]. That was a landmark issue. I am a Bible reader and every morning I pray to God to guide us; to intervene for us; to show us the way—because—I have started to witness a very difficult period ahead of us. As regards the historic November events, many Ugandans lost their beloved and they are still grieving. They deserve to know who killed their people." Bulange, Mmengo | Friday, November 18, 2020.
EXCERPT OF A SERMON BY THE REVD. CANON AUGUSTINE MAGALA MUSIWUFU (Formerly Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral, Namirembe) "Mmwe ebintu temubiraba? Saayagadde kwogera birungi olunaku luno olwa leero. Naayagadde njogerere ddala ekiriwo kubanga singa Yesu yali wano, yandibaadde ekiriwo kyennyinni kyayogera! Ffe tugenda netubibikkabikkako netutunuulira ebirala..." "Don't you witness these things? Today, I abstained from heaping praises. I desired to speak forthrightly about the current state of affairs because that's what Jesus would precisely do if He were here! We, on the other hand, tend to gloss over them and focus on other things altogether..."
"UGANDANS, WHAT'S WRONG WITH YOU?"— Tibuhaburwa I have justice for forming a new Party—in that—'we' want to solve the 'missing link'. Where is the missing link? What's wrong with Uganda? There's that Question. What's wrong with you, Ugandans? You're always in crisis. You're always in trouble. What's wrong with you? So 'we' want to answer that Question. UPM [Uganda 'Patriotic' Movement] also believes that ultimately, the people—the population—are the ultimate guarantors of their freedom. For this reason, we have said in the past and we are saying again, now, that we should start a system of building a 'National Reserve System'—either as a militia or as another form—depending on the circumstances, [applause]...to ensure that the ownership of the gun is democratically controlled. [Laughter, applause, and chants of "UPM! UPM! UPM!"] P.S. Uganda General Elections | December 1980
"ABAANA N'ABAZZUKULU OMUZIRO..." By Jonathan Mwesigwa Sekiziivu Visitors who have been to a number of Baganda or Kiganda homes and have been sufficiently keen, most likely have also come across the captioned statement reminding the children and grandchildren of a given home that "...their Totem/Clan is X or Y or Z". For those who are vigorously waving the "intermarriage" flag blah, blah, blah...you honestly want to make us believe that intermarriage in Buganda started yesterday? What a gaffe! As part of her state-building and expansionist policy, Buganda, on top of slave, cattle and ivory; had also been looting women from her neighbors. One inquires then: 1. Were women, you mean, for display? 2. Need we remonstrate about the impact of her migration(s) history, as well, notwithstanding the contentious manner in which it is taught in civics? Elsewhere, I have asked: Isn't it a far-fetched thing for one to attempt to lecture Buganda on (cultural) diversity and inclusivity? Really?! Let's first get the hang of this. The Baganda are as proud of their clans (Ebika) as they are proud of their counties of origin (Amasaza). Thus it's not uncommon to hear one greeting the other, "Ow'Enkima, agafa ku muduuma?" ("Member of the Monkey Clan, any area news?); or a reference to oneself as, say, "Nze X Omussese" ("My name is X of the Ssese County"). Besides a reference to the Kabaka Anjagala Rd. in Mmengo—which links the Twekobe (Kabaka's chief residence in Mmengo Palace) and the Bulange (the Kingdom's Assembly House), how else can one demonstrate the central importance of clans in the political and socio-economic organisation of this ancient Kingdom? Well, Prof. Semakula Kiwanuka rightly posited in his 1971 publication, "A History of Buganda: From the Foundation of the Kingdom to 1900" thus: "There was nothing in Buganda as socially degrading as being 'clanless'. This forced men in positions of power to gather around the members of their clans who formed the core of a c
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